Psychological Factors in Religion and Spirituality
Religion
has existed since the beginning of human history, and its influence is
still prevalent in today’s world, playing a major role in the culture,
moral values, and behavior of individuals and society. The existence
of a higher power (or powers) is a widespread belief that has endured
the passage of time and the scientific advancements that have
accompanied it. What accounts for this survival, and why is it a
universal attribute of human civilizations? While the veracity of
divine existence has yet to be proved or disproved, psychologists and
biologists have begun to uncover scientific evidence behind spiritual
belief. Recent discoveries and studies in behavioral genetics,
neurobiology, evolutionary biology, faith development, and defensive
coping have provided insight into the psychological reasons for
religion and spirituality.
The idea that spirituality is an inherited trait is growing in popularity. Researchers can test the heritability of a trait by comparing twins who grew up in separate environments (Hamer 40). Because identical twins share the same genetic makeup, any similarities in their behavior should be primarily the result of their DNA, rather than external influences. Fraternal twins, on the other hand, should have fewer similarities, since they only share half of their genes. In an experiment conducted at the University of Minnesota, scientists used the twin method to determine the heritability of religious motivation by administering a questionnaire that measured intrinsic religiousness (their personal devotion to their religion) and extrinsic religiousness (how they practice their religion externally, such as attending church) (Hamer 43-44). The data for intrinsic religiousness showed that the correlation for identical twins was about double that of fraternal twins, and the estimated heritability was 43 percent, which meant almost half of their intrinsic religiousness was inherited. The results for extrinsic religiousness, however, were too inconsistent to reach a conclusion, and the reasons were not clear until later.
Another twin study, conducted by Nicholas Martin and Lindon Eaves in Australia, evaluated a characteristic called self-transcendence (Hamer 45). Rather than traditional religiousness, the term refers to inner spiritual feelings, focusing on one’s view and relationship with the universe. Psychologists base self-transcendence on three components: self-forgetfulness (the complete mental absorption by an experience or activity), transpersonal identification (one’s connectedness to everything in the universe), and mysticism (belief in the supernatural) (Hamer 23-30). Martin and Eaves used twins that had remained together after birth and compared the two types of twins; environment was negligible since the twins shared the same outside forces. The Australia study, like the Minnesota experiment, showed that the correlation for identical twins was twice that for fraternal twins, which was not surprising, since identical twins share twice as many genes (Hamer 47). The results implied that environment had surprisingly little effect on self-transcendence and that spirituality was mostly genetic. The data also revealed that traits pertaining to religiousness, such as frequency of church attendance, are due to environment and not genes, since religious worship is a learned trait and varies from one culture to the next. Both the Minnesota and Australia studies agree that external religiousness is based on environment, while internal spirituality is an inherent predisposition.
Scientists may have proven that spirituality is a heritable trait, but finding the specific genes associated with it is a much more difficult task. Geneticist Dean Hamer claims that he has located one of these “God genes.” In a study on the genetics of cigarette smoking, Hamer and his colleagues collected blood samples and administered a personality test called the Temperament and Character Inventory to a diverse group of 1,001 volunteers consisting of same-sex siblings (Hamer 62). The TCI happened to include a scale of self-transcendence as well, and as a side investigation, Hamer used the data to search for genes that contributed to spirituality. With the knowledge that certain drugs affecting brain chemicals called monoamines can create a sense of self-transcendence, he narrowed his hunt from 35,000 genes down to nine candidate genes that related to monoamine signaling in the brain (Hamer 67). Unfortunately, when comparing the genes to the test results, he failed to find any correlation between the two. However, he soon learned of a gene called VMAT2 that dealt with all the monoamines simultaneously, and this is where he finally discovered his God gene. The gene had a single base that could either be an A or a C, and those who had a C scored much higher in self-transcendence than those who had an A (Hamer 73). Hamer admits that the gene is probably not a crucial factor in spirituality, but it may make one more or less spiritually inclined.
VMAT2 works by controlling the flow of monoamines, chemicals in the brain that affect emotion and consciousness (Hamer 117). The three major monoamines are serotonin, which increases sociability, alters perception, and elevates mood; dopamine, which creates a feeling of “goodness”; and norepinephrine, which responds to stress by increasing alertness (Hamer 110-15). Many psychoactive drugs, such as psilocybin, Ecstasy, Prozac, and cocaine, alter consciousness by changing the concentration of these monoamines in the brain, evoking an artificial sense of self-transcendence. Thus, Hamer believes that monoamines are partly responsible for spirituality and mystical experiences. The formation of monoamines occurs in neurons, cells that transmit information in the brain (Hamer 104-6). The VMAT2 transporter packages the monoamines into vesicles by wrapping them with membranes. When a neuron becomes stimulated, the cell unwraps and releases the monoamines, which immediately begin to send information by interacting with specific protein receptors. To determine the impact VMAT2 actually has on monoamine signaling, scientists used genetic engineering to produce mice that had zero, one, or two VMAT2 genes (Hamer 108-10). Those without the gene were significantly smaller, rarely ate, were extremely inactive, and died prematurely. When the scientists examined the brains of the mice, they found that the mice had drastically reduced monoamine levels. Without the VMAT2 transporter to wrap the monoamines in vesicles, they were unprotected from enzymes that quickly degraded them. As a result, the mice did not survive long and expressed little interest in what little lives they had. It turned out Hamer’s God gene was not only a factor in spirituality, but also an essential component of life.
Possessing the capacity to be spiritual does not necessarily mean a person will become religious. Even though spirituality may be an inherited trait, molding that spirituality into a particular religion requires development. Philosopher Bertrand Russell argued that “most people believe in God because they have been taught from early infancy to do it” (14). James Fowler, a professor of theology and human development, proposes a six-stage faith development theory that parallels Jean Piaget’s cognitive development stages and Lawrence Kohlberg’s moral-development stages (Gathman and Nessan 409-11). In the first stage, intuitive-projective faith, the young child has a very active imagination and lacks the logical thought needed to question perceptions. In the second stage, mythic-literal faith, the child begins to learn religion through stories and interprets them literally, not yet realizing the meanings behind them. In the third stage, synthetic-conventional faith, the person, now an adolescent, forms a sense of identity, conforms to established beliefs, and begins to develop a personal relationship with the deity (Straughn 1). In the fourth stage, individuative-projective faith, the person moves away from interpersonal relationships, reflects upon the self, begins to analyze the meanings of symbols, and develops critical reasoning. In the fifth stage, conjunctive faith, the person realizes the existence of multiple levels of consciousness, accepts the mystery of the deity, and seeks intimacy with people and groups that are different from the person’s own. In the last and rarest stage, universalizing faith, one completely gives up oneself for the love of the deity and society; examples include Martin Luther King, Jr. and Mother Teresa. Basically, the extent of faith development, according to Fowler, depends on one’s understanding of oneself in relation to others.
Some psychologists base the development of faith and spirituality on Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development (Cartwright 216-18). In the sensorimotor stage, infants are not able to distinguish between the “self” from the “other” and only know what they discover through their sensory and motor experience. Thus, they cannot be aware of something as abstract as a higher being. During the preoperational period, children start to develop their reasoning abilities but lack the means for logical explanation and resort to mythical means instead. They may believe an event is under the influence of an outside power but may be unable to understand or comprehend it. In the concrete operational stage, individuals begin to incorporate logic and tangibility into their thinking. They may want to express their relationship with a higher power concretely through charitable work and other religious customs. During the formal operational period, individuals apply abstract reasoning. They may shift their focus from physical activities to more abstract means of expressing their divine relationship, such as exhibiting love and compassion for others. From this psychological perspective, a person’s relation to a higher power grows with the addition of cognitive skills.
Understanding how a behavior develops in an individual does not, however, explain where the behavior came from in the first place. If spirituality genes really exist, then there must be a reason why. According to Darwin’s theory of evolution, only organisms that are reproductively successful and best adapted to their environment survive and pass their favorable traits onto subsequent generations. The fact that religion has persisted for so long suggests that it must benefit the advancement of the species in some way. Several studies have shown that people who attend church frequently have significantly lower mortality rates than those who are less religious (Hamer 146-48). Further investigation has revealed that religion actually promotes and improves good health. One explanation may be the placebo effect of faith (Hamer 153-55). Placebos are mock drugs that do not contain any actual medication but may treat an illness merely through the patient’s expectations. Placebos have been highly successful in treating patients suffering from Parkinson’s disease and, in many cases, have worked even better than the real drug. The effect is physical as well as psychological. Parkinson’s disease is associated with dopamine deficiencies, and those who took the placebo showed higher dopamine levels afterwards. Their faith in the drug actually changed their brain chemistry. The same may be true with religion. If religious people believe that their faith in a higher being will make them healthier, then they will have a better chance of living longer than those who do not. As for how the gene relates to reproductive fitness, certain levels of dopamine and serotonin, both monoamines under the influence of VMAT2, may increase sexual behavior and the desire for children (Hamer 159-60). Hamer admits that these are only educated guesses, since no one can be sure of the gene’s impact over the course of human evolution.
Religion can also serve as a way to cope with life. While there are some people whose religious beliefs are purely the result of existential awareness and nothing else, the majority of believers use religion as a defense mechanism, a means to shield oneself from the harsh truths of reality. The belief in an afterlife, for instance, can alleviate one’s fear of the inevitability of death by providing a symbol of immortality. Michael Persinger, a professor of behavioral neuroscience, calls it “a built-in pacifier” (Kluger 68). According to Terror Management Theory, these death-denying cultural and religious views help one achieve a “significant” and “meaningful” life (Beck 209). In some cases, these defensive convictions can be so extreme that believers will find opposing views threatening and attack those who hold them. In one experiment, Christian subjects made to think about their death were more likely to attack a Jewish person than those who were not (Beck 210). Another source of comfort may be the deity itself. Bertrand Russell suggested that one reason for religious belief is “the wish for safety, a sort of feeling that there is a big brother who will look after you” (14). He claimed that religion is based on the fear of the unknown and that a deity offers a sense of protection. Aside from evolutionary advantages, religion appeals to individuals by allowing them to live their lives confidently with solace and security.
The psychology of religion and spirituality is a complex subject involving numerous scientific perspectives. Twin studies in Minnesota and Australia have provided evidence that spirituality in terms of self-transcendence is an inherited trait. Behavioral geneticists have discovered a possible “God gene” that contributes to spirituality by influencing monoamine production in the brain. Fowler’s six stages of faith and Piaget’s cognitive development theory describe the formation of religion over a lifetime. The impact of the placebo effect and altered brain chemistry on health, longevity, and reproductive success explain the survival of religion within the process of natural selection. Terror Management Theory and Russell’s views of fear and comfort as instruments in religion demonstrate the personal advantages of faith. All of these theories and studies combined are only the beginning of an ongoing investigation. Understanding where religion and spirituality came from, why they are here, and how they develop is important in understanding the motivations and success of the human species as a whole.
Works Cited
Beck, Richard. "The Function of Religious Belief: Defensive Versus Existential Religion." Journal of Psychology and Christianity 23.3 (2004): 208-218.
Cartwright, Kelly B. "Cognitive Developmental Theory and Spiritual Development." Journal of Adult Development 8.4 (2001): 213-220.
Gathman, Allen C., and Craig L. Nessan. "Fowler’s Stages of Faith Development in an Honors Science-and-Religion Seminar." Zygon: Journal of Religion and Science 32.3 (1997): 407-414.
Hamer, Dean. The God Gene. New York: Double Day, 2004.
Kluger, Jeffrey. "Is God in Our Genes?" Time 25 Oct. 2004: 62-72.
Russell, Bertrand. "Why I Am Not a Christian." Why I Am Not a Christian: And Other Essays on Religion and Related Subjects. Ed. Paul Edwards. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957. 3-23.
Straughn, Harold Kent. "My Interview with James W. Fowler on the Stages of Faith." Life Spiral Communications 12 Dec. 2004 <http://www.lifespirals.com/TheMindSpiral/Fowler/fowler.html>.
The idea that spirituality is an inherited trait is growing in popularity. Researchers can test the heritability of a trait by comparing twins who grew up in separate environments (Hamer 40). Because identical twins share the same genetic makeup, any similarities in their behavior should be primarily the result of their DNA, rather than external influences. Fraternal twins, on the other hand, should have fewer similarities, since they only share half of their genes. In an experiment conducted at the University of Minnesota, scientists used the twin method to determine the heritability of religious motivation by administering a questionnaire that measured intrinsic religiousness (their personal devotion to their religion) and extrinsic religiousness (how they practice their religion externally, such as attending church) (Hamer 43-44). The data for intrinsic religiousness showed that the correlation for identical twins was about double that of fraternal twins, and the estimated heritability was 43 percent, which meant almost half of their intrinsic religiousness was inherited. The results for extrinsic religiousness, however, were too inconsistent to reach a conclusion, and the reasons were not clear until later.
Another twin study, conducted by Nicholas Martin and Lindon Eaves in Australia, evaluated a characteristic called self-transcendence (Hamer 45). Rather than traditional religiousness, the term refers to inner spiritual feelings, focusing on one’s view and relationship with the universe. Psychologists base self-transcendence on three components: self-forgetfulness (the complete mental absorption by an experience or activity), transpersonal identification (one’s connectedness to everything in the universe), and mysticism (belief in the supernatural) (Hamer 23-30). Martin and Eaves used twins that had remained together after birth and compared the two types of twins; environment was negligible since the twins shared the same outside forces. The Australia study, like the Minnesota experiment, showed that the correlation for identical twins was twice that for fraternal twins, which was not surprising, since identical twins share twice as many genes (Hamer 47). The results implied that environment had surprisingly little effect on self-transcendence and that spirituality was mostly genetic. The data also revealed that traits pertaining to religiousness, such as frequency of church attendance, are due to environment and not genes, since religious worship is a learned trait and varies from one culture to the next. Both the Minnesota and Australia studies agree that external religiousness is based on environment, while internal spirituality is an inherent predisposition.
Scientists may have proven that spirituality is a heritable trait, but finding the specific genes associated with it is a much more difficult task. Geneticist Dean Hamer claims that he has located one of these “God genes.” In a study on the genetics of cigarette smoking, Hamer and his colleagues collected blood samples and administered a personality test called the Temperament and Character Inventory to a diverse group of 1,001 volunteers consisting of same-sex siblings (Hamer 62). The TCI happened to include a scale of self-transcendence as well, and as a side investigation, Hamer used the data to search for genes that contributed to spirituality. With the knowledge that certain drugs affecting brain chemicals called monoamines can create a sense of self-transcendence, he narrowed his hunt from 35,000 genes down to nine candidate genes that related to monoamine signaling in the brain (Hamer 67). Unfortunately, when comparing the genes to the test results, he failed to find any correlation between the two. However, he soon learned of a gene called VMAT2 that dealt with all the monoamines simultaneously, and this is where he finally discovered his God gene. The gene had a single base that could either be an A or a C, and those who had a C scored much higher in self-transcendence than those who had an A (Hamer 73). Hamer admits that the gene is probably not a crucial factor in spirituality, but it may make one more or less spiritually inclined.
VMAT2 works by controlling the flow of monoamines, chemicals in the brain that affect emotion and consciousness (Hamer 117). The three major monoamines are serotonin, which increases sociability, alters perception, and elevates mood; dopamine, which creates a feeling of “goodness”; and norepinephrine, which responds to stress by increasing alertness (Hamer 110-15). Many psychoactive drugs, such as psilocybin, Ecstasy, Prozac, and cocaine, alter consciousness by changing the concentration of these monoamines in the brain, evoking an artificial sense of self-transcendence. Thus, Hamer believes that monoamines are partly responsible for spirituality and mystical experiences. The formation of monoamines occurs in neurons, cells that transmit information in the brain (Hamer 104-6). The VMAT2 transporter packages the monoamines into vesicles by wrapping them with membranes. When a neuron becomes stimulated, the cell unwraps and releases the monoamines, which immediately begin to send information by interacting with specific protein receptors. To determine the impact VMAT2 actually has on monoamine signaling, scientists used genetic engineering to produce mice that had zero, one, or two VMAT2 genes (Hamer 108-10). Those without the gene were significantly smaller, rarely ate, were extremely inactive, and died prematurely. When the scientists examined the brains of the mice, they found that the mice had drastically reduced monoamine levels. Without the VMAT2 transporter to wrap the monoamines in vesicles, they were unprotected from enzymes that quickly degraded them. As a result, the mice did not survive long and expressed little interest in what little lives they had. It turned out Hamer’s God gene was not only a factor in spirituality, but also an essential component of life.
Possessing the capacity to be spiritual does not necessarily mean a person will become religious. Even though spirituality may be an inherited trait, molding that spirituality into a particular religion requires development. Philosopher Bertrand Russell argued that “most people believe in God because they have been taught from early infancy to do it” (14). James Fowler, a professor of theology and human development, proposes a six-stage faith development theory that parallels Jean Piaget’s cognitive development stages and Lawrence Kohlberg’s moral-development stages (Gathman and Nessan 409-11). In the first stage, intuitive-projective faith, the young child has a very active imagination and lacks the logical thought needed to question perceptions. In the second stage, mythic-literal faith, the child begins to learn religion through stories and interprets them literally, not yet realizing the meanings behind them. In the third stage, synthetic-conventional faith, the person, now an adolescent, forms a sense of identity, conforms to established beliefs, and begins to develop a personal relationship with the deity (Straughn 1). In the fourth stage, individuative-projective faith, the person moves away from interpersonal relationships, reflects upon the self, begins to analyze the meanings of symbols, and develops critical reasoning. In the fifth stage, conjunctive faith, the person realizes the existence of multiple levels of consciousness, accepts the mystery of the deity, and seeks intimacy with people and groups that are different from the person’s own. In the last and rarest stage, universalizing faith, one completely gives up oneself for the love of the deity and society; examples include Martin Luther King, Jr. and Mother Teresa. Basically, the extent of faith development, according to Fowler, depends on one’s understanding of oneself in relation to others.
Some psychologists base the development of faith and spirituality on Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development (Cartwright 216-18). In the sensorimotor stage, infants are not able to distinguish between the “self” from the “other” and only know what they discover through their sensory and motor experience. Thus, they cannot be aware of something as abstract as a higher being. During the preoperational period, children start to develop their reasoning abilities but lack the means for logical explanation and resort to mythical means instead. They may believe an event is under the influence of an outside power but may be unable to understand or comprehend it. In the concrete operational stage, individuals begin to incorporate logic and tangibility into their thinking. They may want to express their relationship with a higher power concretely through charitable work and other religious customs. During the formal operational period, individuals apply abstract reasoning. They may shift their focus from physical activities to more abstract means of expressing their divine relationship, such as exhibiting love and compassion for others. From this psychological perspective, a person’s relation to a higher power grows with the addition of cognitive skills.
Understanding how a behavior develops in an individual does not, however, explain where the behavior came from in the first place. If spirituality genes really exist, then there must be a reason why. According to Darwin’s theory of evolution, only organisms that are reproductively successful and best adapted to their environment survive and pass their favorable traits onto subsequent generations. The fact that religion has persisted for so long suggests that it must benefit the advancement of the species in some way. Several studies have shown that people who attend church frequently have significantly lower mortality rates than those who are less religious (Hamer 146-48). Further investigation has revealed that religion actually promotes and improves good health. One explanation may be the placebo effect of faith (Hamer 153-55). Placebos are mock drugs that do not contain any actual medication but may treat an illness merely through the patient’s expectations. Placebos have been highly successful in treating patients suffering from Parkinson’s disease and, in many cases, have worked even better than the real drug. The effect is physical as well as psychological. Parkinson’s disease is associated with dopamine deficiencies, and those who took the placebo showed higher dopamine levels afterwards. Their faith in the drug actually changed their brain chemistry. The same may be true with religion. If religious people believe that their faith in a higher being will make them healthier, then they will have a better chance of living longer than those who do not. As for how the gene relates to reproductive fitness, certain levels of dopamine and serotonin, both monoamines under the influence of VMAT2, may increase sexual behavior and the desire for children (Hamer 159-60). Hamer admits that these are only educated guesses, since no one can be sure of the gene’s impact over the course of human evolution.
Religion can also serve as a way to cope with life. While there are some people whose religious beliefs are purely the result of existential awareness and nothing else, the majority of believers use religion as a defense mechanism, a means to shield oneself from the harsh truths of reality. The belief in an afterlife, for instance, can alleviate one’s fear of the inevitability of death by providing a symbol of immortality. Michael Persinger, a professor of behavioral neuroscience, calls it “a built-in pacifier” (Kluger 68). According to Terror Management Theory, these death-denying cultural and religious views help one achieve a “significant” and “meaningful” life (Beck 209). In some cases, these defensive convictions can be so extreme that believers will find opposing views threatening and attack those who hold them. In one experiment, Christian subjects made to think about their death were more likely to attack a Jewish person than those who were not (Beck 210). Another source of comfort may be the deity itself. Bertrand Russell suggested that one reason for religious belief is “the wish for safety, a sort of feeling that there is a big brother who will look after you” (14). He claimed that religion is based on the fear of the unknown and that a deity offers a sense of protection. Aside from evolutionary advantages, religion appeals to individuals by allowing them to live their lives confidently with solace and security.
The psychology of religion and spirituality is a complex subject involving numerous scientific perspectives. Twin studies in Minnesota and Australia have provided evidence that spirituality in terms of self-transcendence is an inherited trait. Behavioral geneticists have discovered a possible “God gene” that contributes to spirituality by influencing monoamine production in the brain. Fowler’s six stages of faith and Piaget’s cognitive development theory describe the formation of religion over a lifetime. The impact of the placebo effect and altered brain chemistry on health, longevity, and reproductive success explain the survival of religion within the process of natural selection. Terror Management Theory and Russell’s views of fear and comfort as instruments in religion demonstrate the personal advantages of faith. All of these theories and studies combined are only the beginning of an ongoing investigation. Understanding where religion and spirituality came from, why they are here, and how they develop is important in understanding the motivations and success of the human species as a whole.
Works Cited
Beck, Richard. "The Function of Religious Belief: Defensive Versus Existential Religion." Journal of Psychology and Christianity 23.3 (2004): 208-218.
Cartwright, Kelly B. "Cognitive Developmental Theory and Spiritual Development." Journal of Adult Development 8.4 (2001): 213-220.
Gathman, Allen C., and Craig L. Nessan. "Fowler’s Stages of Faith Development in an Honors Science-and-Religion Seminar." Zygon: Journal of Religion and Science 32.3 (1997): 407-414.
Hamer, Dean. The God Gene. New York: Double Day, 2004.
Kluger, Jeffrey. "Is God in Our Genes?" Time 25 Oct. 2004: 62-72.
Russell, Bertrand. "Why I Am Not a Christian." Why I Am Not a Christian: And Other Essays on Religion and Related Subjects. Ed. Paul Edwards. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957. 3-23.
Straughn, Harold Kent. "My Interview with James W. Fowler on the Stages of Faith." Life Spiral Communications 12 Dec. 2004 <http://www.lifespirals.com/TheMindSpiral/Fowler/fowler.html>.
